Freedom of expression denied in radio shut down

Kim Gottfried Piché

ZACATE GRANDE IS a region located in the gulf of Fonseca, nestled between the Pacific ocean and the beautiful southern mountain range of Honduras. In the heart of the settlement, surrounded by homes made of corn stalks and sugar cane, a small brick building stands where seventeen young men and women are running a “radios communitarias” as a part of a initiative called the Movement for the Recovery and Reclamation of Land in Zacate Grande (Movimento de Recuperacion y Titulacion de tierras de Zacate Grande).

Emitting a signal in a radius of 25 km to about 10 villages (800 families) in the region, La Voz of Zacate Grande 97.1 FM grew out of a community response to the need to publicize an increasingly tense situation in which a multi-millionaire agro-industrial tycoon is trying to evict the Hondurans who have legal right to live, fish and farm on the land.

On June 3, 2010, La Voz of Zacate Grande FM was stormed by 300 police and shut down in an act of political censorship and in violation of the Inter-American Convention on Human Rights which specifically states that communities cannot be restricted in their freedom of expression, whether that be radio, television or print media.

To make matters worse, the land tycoon, known as Miguel Facussé Barjum is publicly using “environmental preservation” as an excuse to evict these inhabitants with an agenda to attain recognition as a great “green” entrepreneur and leader of private initiative.

In a recent visit to Honduras, six Canadian Catholic Campus ministers met with the community of Zacate Grande to hear their story. We were hosted by the Canadian Catholic organization for Development and Peace and CARITAS, a Catholic initiative that works alongside of communities and assist the marginalized and oppressed in 198 countries and territories to help them form movements and organize citizens.

We learned that the peninsula, upon which we sat, had at one time been an island. The Honduran people had lived there for over eighty years. A wealthy group of foreigners known as Coyolito Club began coveting the island as early as 1972 started a movement to confront the villagers and obtain the land as their own. Although they were forbidden to own land as foreigners under the actual constitutional law (article 101) and although the Hondurans who had lived on the land for over 12 years had rights to the land, it didn’t seem to matter to this group Facussé, the powerful leader of Coyolito used his influence in judicial politics to remove article 101 and he was therefore able to purchase 3,000 hectares of their land.

In addition, Facussé managed to shut out families from money or international aid in the aftermath of Hurricane Mitch in 1998 in hopes that they would leave.

The community turned to the Catholic organization CARITAS in 1999 for legal advice and assistance. With the help of the diocese, they formed the Development and Solidarity Council (CODESOL) whose purpose was to present a united front against pressure applied by Coyolito Club. Pressure tactics to try eradicate the villagers have included befriending the youth and offering “treats” to their parents to sell land, armed police presence at night, gunshots to local leaders and attempts to criminalize members of the community.

The people of Zacate Grande have refused to leave.

As the leader of the community told their story, the youth maintained a curious silence. When asked how all of this had affected them, there came no reply. Some of the youth offered a fearful glance at us, their eyes moving from us quickly to a more distant view of the horizon.

“They are not shy,” said the community leader “they do not speak because they have been arrested, while others have had guns pointed at them and threatened. If they are caught hunting a deer or picking corn on the land, Miguel has private security who will inform the police. Miguel hunts for pleasure, but our young people hunt for food to eat.”

Soon one young man came forward and spoke, telling us about the morning he awoke and heard from friends that their fathers had been arrested on the way to school.

“We are not afraid, but this has obviously affected us. We as young people feel powerless. We need this land. We live in small houses with 10 persons in a family. What will we do if we don’t have enough land? We have nothing to defend ourselves. We as young people need to be conscious of what is happening. Maybe we don’t have money but we have our knowledge. The radio station is our way of raising consciousness
about what is happening to us and to others. It is our only tool of resistance against Miguel.”

With hammocks strung up, a news flash board and a sound proof recording room (the coolest room in the place), it was clear that the young people took great pride in their work at the radio station. Painted in black on the outer façade of the building were their heroes; native Lempira who fought against the Spanish, Visitation Padilla who fought for civil and political rights of women and Morazàn who fought to unite all of Central America.

The young people had received training as journalists and radio broadcasters at productions centers associated with the National Board of World Association of Community Radio Broadcasting (AMARC). Their efforts to construct a culture of citizenship have inspired the whole community, including the children who hope to some day work at the station.

As of June 4, the station is covered with yellow “crime scene” tape and five community leaders have been arrested, accused of “occupying” Facussé’s land and “tax fraud” for the radio station. As one respected journalist reports, “this is clear evidence of how powerful people want to silence the voices of communities facing an agrarian conflict.” It has been suggested that this is a part of a larger system of repressive measures that authorities are adopting against opposition and freedom of press since the coup d’etat last June 28, 2009

For more information or for updates on the situation, you can contact Ryerson Catholic Chaplaincy Centre (Kim Gottfried Piché) at chapkim@interlog.com. Please come and join us at Casa de Café: Honduras on Tuesday July 17th for an evening of Honduran coffee, slides and stories of the work of Hondurans
for justice.

Kim Gottfried Piché is staff at Ryerson’s Catholic Chaplaincy Centre

The Beautiful Game?

Salmaan Abdul Hamid Khan

NEXT TO THE Olympic Games, the FIFA World Cup trumps all other international sporting events, earning it the title of “The Greatest Sporting Event in the World.” Drawing the attention of millions across the globe-from the Favelas of Brasil to the bustling streets of Tokyo-this monstrosity of an event lasts about a month, and sets 32 teams, from 32 different countries against each other. The winners of course, earn the title of ‘world cup champions’ for the next four years.

This year, to the surprise of many, the games have found themselves in South Africa, Africa’s “glimmer of hope.” The story goes that current FIFA president, Joseph “Sepp” Blatter, promised the African continent the World Cup back in 1998 while he was campaigning to become head ‘impresario’ of the powerhouse football association. In exchange for African votes, which would put him over the top, Blatter promised to bring the games to Africa. Side stepping Nigeria and Morocco, Africa’s fastest growing economy and “bread basket” as some have titled it, stood as the favourite, and soon, South Africa would enter into a frenzy of anticipated construction projects.

In order to accommodate the famed games, South Africa has sunk an estimated $6 billion USD into infrastructure development, mostly in the form of massive stadiums, or “white elephants” as critics have termed them. Today these white elephants, such as the $300,000,000 Soccer City stadium, or the $287,000,000 stadium at Port Elizabeth, are but 2 of the 10 in total that stand alongside the 45 per cent of South Africans-20 million citizens-who live off less than $2 a day. With an unemployment rate of 40 per cent and a foreign debt that stretches into the dozens of billions, South Africa is one of the smallest and shakiest economies to have ever organized the World Cup. The logic behind creating these ‘White elephants’ themselves raises much controversy as locals are perplexed as to what to do with these massive stadiums -such as the 65,000-seater giant in Cape Town- once the World Cup is over with. To quote Trevor Phillips, former director of the South African Premier League, “what the hell are we going to do with a 70,000-seater football stadium in Durban once the World Cup is over? Durban has two football teams which attract crowds of only a few thousand.”

Furthermore, the areas surrounding these massive stadiums have been swept clean of the poverty and misery that surrounded them as thousands of shack dwellers have either been relocated to poorly constructed government camps or forcefully evicted by government thugs. To quote a FIFA report on this matter, “A billion television viewers don’t want to see shacks and poverty on this scale.”

Local residences haven’t been the only victims of this “clean up” policy carried out by FIFA and the South African government, as street kids are continually whisked away, and much like Canada’s own “star-light tour” tactics, dropped in remote locations, far away from the eyes of the curious tourists and football fans.
However, many would argue that these dubious investments and spending sprees are good for the country in the long run. Unfortunately, these hopes and dreams are as tangible as the belief that Chile could have one-upped Brasil, with its infamous brand of samba soccer, and made its way into the quarter finals. As Alex Duval Smith, of the Guardian UK stated, “the biggest event on Earth will do little for the planet’s poorest people.”

Besides the fact that the jobs created during the “construction bubble,” throughout the pre-games preparations, are now useless, the first real blow to average working South Africans was felt following the bylaws enforced by FIFA, that stated that informal traders- a crucial part of any African economy- were to be banned from coming anywhere close to the 10 stadiums where matches would be played. In essence these laws aim to protect FIFA’s major sponsors, such as Coca Cola, from any rival soft drink sales. Already, there exist 400 cases for “ambush marketing” against small South African businesses and individuals. The South African police force itself has already jumbled together a special task-force unit charged with clearing hawkers and small businesses from stadium areas.

Aside from crushing small businesses and gross spending sprees on white elephants, the South African government, under the tutelage of the giant FIFA, has effectively militarized its cities and towns, much like our very own Toronto during the G20 summit. During these World Cup days, “air sweeps by fighter jets, joint border patrols, police escorts for cruise ships, and teams of police and security guards roam the lands.” The aim, argued by the South African government, is to prevent “domestic extremism.” And no folks, it’s not those dastardly Muslims this time; but strike workers, union organizers, and non-violent protestors who are the “domestic extremists” and targets of police aggression. Not since the times of Apartheid in South Africa has such demonization and paranoia run afoot. Already, police units have violently put down peaceful marches led by: South African fishermen, who were being kicked off the beaches to make way for the incoming visitors; marches led by security guards themselves, who after the Germany-Australia game, decided to protest against their $2.25 an hour wages, and were met with tear gas, batons, and stun-grenades; and a march led by students who were protesting the demolition of a school complex to make way for the Neusprot Venue had been met with typical police “hospitality.” In fact, as the games go on, in towns such as Johannesburg and Durban, legislation has been passed effectively making it illegal for anyone to protest or to go on strike. In respect of the games, the basic civil liberties of working class South Africans have been taken away.

What the future holds for South Africa can be disputed to some extent, but one thing for sure is that it will hardly profit from this circus that is the World Cup games. A study carried out by the Human Sciences Research Council in South Africa found that in 2005, one-in-three South Africans believed they would personally benefit from the World Cup; today, the number has fallen to one in 100. Furthermore, it is expected that much like the praised “Bird’s Nest” stadium designed for the Beijing 2008 Olympics in China, South Africa’s white elephants are destined to a life of emptiness and dust collection. The nation of South Africa will continue down a path of poverty and class exploitation; of neo-liberal policies and structural adjustment programs; of violence and of corruption.

But hey, at least they proved they can host the World Cup, right?

Earlier booze hours for Toronto’s football fans

Diana Duong

ONTARIO MAY BE six hours behind South Africa, but Ontario football fans are now able to raise their glasses one hour earlier. Bars and restaurants are allowed to serve alcohol at 10 a.m. –one hour earlier than usual- during the World Cup tournament, from June 11 to July 11.

“Johannesburg is six hours ahead of Toronto, the time difference will have World Cup games airing at 7:30 and 10 a.m., and 1:30 p.m.,” said the Toronto mayoral candidate Joe Pantalone, who initially proposed the idea of extending the booze serving hours. “Residents will be patronizing local cafes and restaurants earlier than normal during this specific time period.”

Over 17,000 bars and restaurants across Ontario will be able to serve alcohol at 10 a.m. rather than the routine 11 a.m. This is to coincide with the kickoff that broadcasts at 10 a.m. in Ontario because of the six-hour time difference with South Africa. The change in booze serving hours is temporary; it will last only during the World Cup tournament period, ending on July 11. City councillor Pantalone put forward the proposition earlier this month and Toronto city council successfully passed the motion.

Pantalone is the city councillor for Ward 19, Trinity-Spadina, the western region of downtown Toronto.
Pantalone is one of six major candidates running in the Toronto mayoral election to replace the incumbent
David Miller this October. He joked, “I’m not even mayor, and I’m already leading [the] province.”
The Alcohol and Gaming Commission of Ontario (AGCO) has the power to extend drinking hours for events of “municipal, provincial, national or international significance.” In the past, the AGCO has extended the 11 a.m. to 2 a.m. booze serving hours for live, not televised events. The events also typically occurred within the province, mainly Toronto Fashion Week and Toronto Pride Week. The province has noticed the importance of the world’s game and therefore, extends this special exemption.

As bartenders turn on the taps earlier, patrons will be motivated to enjoy their drinks at their local pub rather than drink at home. Because of the flexibility in service, fans of sporting events, mainly football, will have their needs met. An increase in patron attendance will be a boost to the restaurant industry. In today’s weak economy, this could be “a nice little shot in the arm,” according to Pantalone.

The Elephant & Castle Pub and Restaurant located on Yonge Street entertains a large number of clients, including many tourists, on a daily basis, according to Shaun Waterman. The 30-year-old bartender has personally seen the effects of drinking hours change on the restaurant industry. “The highlight for us was at the England-USA game,” said Waterman. “We were at full capacity by mid-afternoon.

This entire place was packed during that match. We were as busy as we are on St. Patrick’s Day.”
Waterman looks around the restaurant, “It’s delightful to the industry, to be able to serve alcohol and give fans what they want, especially during sporting events.” The colour commentator lets out a long yell of excitement, “GOOOAL!”

Waterman’s attention briefly snaps to the large television screen and continues, “It’s time to kick back and have a little fun. The beautiful game brings us all together, we only get to cheer like this once every four years.”

The true cry of the vuvuzella

Gursevak Kasbia

LOST IN THE euphoria of World Cup fever the world has once again lost sight of the true plight of many South Africans. As of 2004 over 55 per cent of South Africans are considered to be living in poverty. South Africa paid FIFA, soccer’s governing body, billions of dollars to host the games in an attempt to win corporate and global trade partners. It was only a few short years ago that the South African government as well as advocacy groups were fighting for life saving drugs from giant drug companies complaining that costs were too high for treating a country with a pandemic on its hands. Yet, the South African government somehow found the money to be able to not only pay FIFA but also build new stadiums known as “white” elephants by the country’s archbishop Desmond Tutu.

To date, sub-Saharan Africa has some of the highest rates of HIV-AIDS in the world, with great controversy created by drug companies who did not want to subsidize the cost of anti-retroviral drugs to infected South Africans without some form of compensation. Knowing that South Africa was one of the poorest African nations, it is of great shock that the South African Government “invested” over 800 billion rand ($108 billion USD), in luscious stadiums. In a small attempt to create economic growth, South Africans were offered temporary jobs such as driving tourists to games and concession stands selling souvenirs for the month long event. Short term economic gains for a country, which still has some who deny the impact of HIV-AIDS. To date only 28 per cent of those infected with HIV-AIDS are treated with anti-retroviral drugs, and it is estimated that over 5.7 million people are currently infected with HIV-AIDS.

Poverty has been identified by the Ottawa Charter on Health Promotion as a major determinant of health, and in a country where 55 per cent of people are considered to be in this state, spending billions of rand does not seem to be a quick fix to this problem. It is estimated that South Africa has unemployment of over 40 per cent in some areas, and further to this, conditions for living are still of the developing world, with communities of shack dwellers, who do not have access to potable water and sewage, a formula that from a public health perspective spells grave trouble. The idea of spending billions of rand on building soccer stadiums with very little use after the world cup other than perhaps to build recreational soccer leagues and teams, along with part-time short term job positions in the thousands was highlighted initially by protests from workers who claimed they had not been paid fair wages by organizers. They were quickly whisked away by police and security forces, and further the South African Police force claimed it could take care of security at venues on its own. With over twenty thousand fans at some venues this may prove to be quite difficult.
Countries rely on sporting events to serve as an economic benefit, yet when all costs are calculated the true losers tend to be nations that host these events. For example Greece hosted the summer Olympics in 2004 where overspending may have contributed to much of the Greek deficit and subsequently its collapse. Closer to Canadians is the Montreal Olympics which still has the city of Montreal paying the bill, and the eyesore of the Olympic “O” Stadium. Still, the lure of millions from corporate sponsorships, and joining the international community of trade keeps many nations using its citizens as collateral in mortgaging
their future in the hunt for major sporting events.
For more information:
South African Regional Poverty Network
Abahlali baseMjondolo: The Durban Shack Dwellers Movement
Democracy Watch: Upside Down World Cup

Culture shock: From Toronto, home to Alberta’s foothills

Kate Spencer

PICTURE A COWBOY in the Albertan Foothills. Behind him, the majesty of the mountains, blue and snow capped and shining. In front of him, his cattle grazing freely. All around him, hills sprawling and dotted with evergreens.

Picture now the Environmentalist, hurtling toward the cowboy, waving pamphlets and soy products, shouting, “Oil spills! Clear cutting! Melting ice caps! Death and destruction!”

And picture the cowboy, tilting back his hat (used for shade, not style). See him glance to the endless sky, breathe the crisp, dry air, and ask, “Where would that be, exactly?”

When you’re in small town Alberta, you can almost understand environmental skepticism.
As one of the doomsayers, coming to Turner Valley, population just over two thousand is always a bit of a culture shock. This is a town too small for a grocery store, but big enough for a breakfast place that proudly serves Triple A Alberta beef. It is a town that gets its mail delivered to a central post office, where you will find postings for chilli cookoffs and mall walking for seniors. There is one bar – cougar themed – one coffee place named the Coyote Moon, and a surprisingly lovely florist and sweets shop.Things always seem to go at a slower pace out in the Foothills. Maybe that’s because you can see more of the sky. In Toronto, I am accustomed to striding from one place to another. I am goal oriented, with my eyes on the ground looking for obstacles, or held firmly in an away-from-homeless-people direction to avoid guilt from lack of change. I have yet to see anyone asking for money on the corners of Turner Valley, because let’s face it, there’s nowhere to go if you don’t have a home. There are no homeless shelters here, no convenient parks or warm ATM vestibules – just a lot of highway on all sides. So I spend more of my time seeing shapes in the clouds and going for rambling walks. It’s still lilac season here, which is another perk of a place less climactically charged. Seasons seem longer and lazier, and more content to linger, which can sometimes lead to snow in June.Of course, that lovely slow pace of small town Alberta can be a huge frustration when the purpose of your stay is to find work. Two years ago there seemed to be a plethora of positions here, a true overabundance which meant, so the legend went, that you could find yourself working in a Tim Horton’s for 13 dollars an hour. But the recession hit here too, though to a lesser extent, and the Dairy Queen a few towns over is now advertising a measly 10 dollars for front staff positions. And perhaps in Calgary or Edmonton there is more of a drive to fill positions quickly, but in Okotoks, the closest town sporting a Wal Mart, minimum wage hopefuls can expect to wait a couple of weeks before hearing back.

There are also the obvious problems that come from being a lover of Arts and Culture living in a province run by Ed Stelmach. In early February of this year, grants available from the Alberta Foundation for the Arts were cut by 16 per cent, or $5.6 million. Cuts were also made to parks operations, museum funds and non-profit organizations. Alberta was one of the few provinces that made cuts to their arts funds, rather than adding to it. Money instead continues to be pushed toward the oil industry, whose returns are actually much lower on a dollar by dollar basis than the film industry which is working with $3 million fewer dollars than it was in 2009.

And of course, living in such an oil driven economy rankles whenever I think about it. The oil sands in Alberta supply 1.4 million barrels of oil per day to the United States, and one job in 15 in Alberta is directly related to energy. The Government of Alberta and private industry have each invested more than $1 billion in oil sands research – and I have to wonder whether that money could have been better spent. You just can’t help feeling the cruel irony - being surrounded by natural beauty when you drive everywhere while eating nothing but beef. To then go home to live with cement buildings and liberal guilt when you walk to all destinations and use high efficiency light bulbs seems bizarre.

My feelings for Alberta, and for Turner Valley especially, have come to the forefront of my mind now, as I read the Globe and Mail, or friends’ Facebook statuses. In a week and a month where everyone I know has an opinion about the G8 and G20, I am remarkably sheltered from it all. I shipped out of Toronto before the barricades went up, before people’s houses were boarded, and before people I knew experienced first hand what it’s like to be hit with a police baton. There is a frustration and a peace that comes from knowing that I won’t have to deal with any of that – geography is my protective cushion. And while a part of me can’t wait to get back in the thick of things, I can’t help but give in to the urge to turn off the news, step away from the Twitter updates, and go read a book in the backyard.

Oil still spills in the Gulf

Kaitlin Fowlie

BRITISH PETROLEUM, THE fourth largest company in the world and third largest oil giant is increasingly criticized for being corrupt, careless and unprepared, and the company will be the first to own up to such allegations. As a series of recent news reports have brought to the forefront, BP has a history of cutting corners. There were many indicators of impending disaster that led up to the events on April 20 in the Gulf of Mexico– and the Obama administration failed to take note of the signs. The deepest oil and gas well ever – over 35,000 feet beneath water and rock was not something to be taken lightly, but it was, and the carelessness of one company, under Obama’s approval, landed us in one of America’s monolithic environmental disasters in American history.

BP’s 582 page emergency response plan appears to have never been taken seriously by the company. In it, the worst case scenario was predicted to be an oil spill lasting up to 30 days with a 20 per cent chance of oil reaching the Louisiana coast. The reality has been over two months of continuous leakage, the consequences of which we may not realize for years to come. The company anticipated no coastline problems since the drilling site was so far offshore. According to the site plan, “due to the distance to shore (48 miles) and the response capabilities that would be implemented, no significant adverse impacts are expected.” More than 200 dead turtles, several dolphins and countless fish have washed ashore, and some beaches, such as Gulfort Mississippi, have seen oil soaked debris and seaweed floating into the shoreline.

The oil plumes continue to be swept into the Gulf Coast current, which is anticipated to eventually send oil hundreds of kilometres around Florida’s southern tip and up the Atlantic coast. This possibility isn’t even mentioned in the plan. Perhaps the most absurd error in the cleanup plan included safety precautions for walrus’s and sea otters - such creatures have never existed in the Gulf of Mexico.

The Minerals Management Service (MMS), a bureau in the U.S. Department of the Interior responsible for managing the nation’s natural gas, oil, and other mineral resources, played a significant role in the April disaster by approving BP’s inadequate emergency response plan. Since its inception in 1982, MMS has had a reputation for being lax with approving permits, accepting bribes from companies, even engaging in sex/drug related exploits. In granting BP the permission to drill, MMS allowed the company a categorical exclusion, which are usually applicable only to activities that are minimally intrusive projects – like outhouses and hiking trails. Without that exclusion, BP would have been required to produce a report that included a study of the possible damages caused by a blow out or spill. MMS granted the permit with one suggestion – “exercise caution while drilling due to indications of shallow gas” – an example of the many ways they trusted the company to regulate itself.

So too, did the president. Obama had the final word in permitting the company to drill, and his administration simply didn’t acknowledge the numerous indicators of potential disaster to come. His oft mentioned lacklustre response to the explosion that killed 11 workers and injured 17 has triggered
an outbreak of angry responses – from Youtube videos to blog posts to eight page editorials in Rolling Stone magazine.

For weeks, the administration refused to play anything more than a supporting role in the spill. (Aforementioned Rolling Stone editorial notes that this is a curious line of argument from an administration that has reserved the right to assassinate American citizens abroad). Eventually, Obama acknowledged that his administration failed to adequately reform the MMS. The scandal ridden federal agency did act as a significant link in the chain of events leading up to the disaster, but BP, notorious for its many brushes with the law, should have been under greater super vision.

In 2005, the oil giant plead guilty to a felony for failing to have adequate written procedures for maintain the ongoing mechanical integrity of process equipment at the Texas City refinery – which blew up and killed 15 workers, and injured hundreds. Again in 2006, it plead guilty to a misdemeanour violation of the US Federal Water Pollution Control Act which resulted in a 4,800 barrel spill in Prudhoe Bay. Perhaps most significantly, BP was involved in the previously worst oil disasters in American history, the Exxon Valdez in 1989. BP failed to respond to the Valdez during the hours of the spill when the worst damage occurred. Vital equipment was buried under snow, no cleanup ship was standing by and no containment barge was available to collect oil.

In addition to its history of negligence, BP’s frugal attitude cost it the assurance of safety. The company contracts out all its equipment, owning nothing. In a cost cutting strategy,

BP shaved 500,000 dollars off its costs by positioning a blowout preventer without a remote control trigger – a safety precaution required in many countries but not mandated by MMS. BP opted for cheap, single walled piping for the well, and installed only 6 of the 21 cement spacers recommended by its contractor. It also skimped on critical testing that could have shown whether explosive gas was getting into the system
as it was being cemented, and began removing mud that protected the well before it was sealed with cement plugs. The company has repeatedly made the same mistakes, cut corners, put its workers lives at risk, and the Obama administration continued to trust them.

Obama has assured us that he has assembled a team of the Nation’s best scientists and engineers to confront the challenge. There are nearly 30,000 people working across four states to contain and clean up the spill, and they have successfully removed millions of gallons of oil and laid five and a half million feet of boom to block and absorb oil. However, this disaster, unlike a hurricane, tornado or tsunami, is different than any other environmental devastation based on the fact that the damage didn’t simply occur in a matter of days. This oil spill is like an epidemic that is continuously leaking every day. The tragedy unfurling on our southern neighbours coast is a painful and powerful reminder of the underlying issue at hand – our dependence on oil. The president may have made mistakes in his lack of foresight, and the previous decade of politics paved the way for environmental adversity, but we have no choice to take the Gulf oil spill as an indicator that the time to embrace a sustainable energy future is now.

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